Kentucky Politics—Not For The Faint Of Heart-Part 2

(Continued from last week-- You must read Part 1 first)
Link to part 1 of the story

The fight was not over!  The Goebel Democrats filed a protest with the legislature, accusing the L&N Railroad and the American Book Company of corrupt use of funds to get Republican William Taylor elected.  At this time, Taylor, even though inaugurated, still needed to receive his commission from the legislature to officially be the governor.  The joint committee, to pass the election of state officials, was essentially chosen by a names out of a hat type drawing and, not surprisingly considering that the legislature consisted mostly of Democrats, only one Republican name was drawn.  Perhaps Goebel still had a chance if the committee refused to pass the election.

Across the state, the divisions and power plays going on at the state capitol in Frankfort outraged many citizens.  It is reported that people flocked to the capitol, including a large number of armed mountaineer Republicans who felt as if it might be time for them to show a different, more violent, form of power.  The mood was volatile, and on January 30, 1900, as the Democrats were discussing the possibility of unseating the Republicans, Goebel and two associates approached the capitol office building.   Suddenly, a concealed rifleman fired five shots.  One hit Goebel in the abdomen and he was taken immediately to the nearby Capitol Hotel.  Doctors were summoned and his condition was pronounced dire.

In the meantime Taylor, fearing further violence, declared Kentucky in a state of insurrection and called out the state militia.  Taylor also instructed the legislature to meet in London, Kentucky, on the pretense of safety.  London, a town about 100 miles south of Frankfort, just also happened to be strongly Republican.  Not surprisingly, the Democrats refused to meet in London and were enraged that the state militia also prevented them from entering the statehouse in Frankfort.  In retaliation, the Democratic majority of the General Assembly secretly met at the Capitol Hotel on Jan. 31 and declared enough of the ballots fraudulent to declare Goebel the winner.  On his deathbed, Goebel was administered the oath of office.  He died on February 3rd, four days after being shot, and the Democrats proclaimed Goebel’s lieutenant governor, John Beckham, the acting governor. 

At this point emotions were high and some believed that the state was close to civil war over the election.  In an effort to restore peace, order and civility, seven Republican and seven Democratic leaders of the state met at the Galt House Hotel in Louisville on Feb. 5th, to negotiate some type of peaceful agreement.  Joseph Blackburn was the spokesman for the Democrats and Louisville lawyer, David Fairleigh, led the Republican contingent.  The group agreed to seven points or terms that dealt with the controversy at hand.  Essentially this “Louisville agreement” would allow for the adoption of Beckham as acting governor, the release of the state militia, and a prohibition on further legal action, such as charges of treason, for the Republicans involved in the dispute.  This agreement was crafted by Blackburn and Fairleigh and signed by all 14 represented, including Goebel’s successor, John Beckham.  But, in order to proceed in good faith and without further conflict the agreement needed to be signed by Taylor, who still maintained that he was the true governor of Kentucky.

By February 7th, Taylor had still not signed the “Louisville agreement.”  He said that he didn’t agree to the terms, and many Republican holdouts were urging him not to sign.  Two days later, February 9th, attorney David Fairleigh and Judge Barr, who had represented the Republicans in the “Louisville agreement” negotiations, took the morning train to Frankfort to consult with Taylor.  One presumes that perhaps they worked hard to try to get Taylor to sign as they met with him that day.  Maybe they realized that, in the end, this fighting and politicking was not going to lead to anything positive for the Republican Party or the state.  But Taylor would not sign the agreement so, at the end of the day, Fairleigh and Barr headed back to Louisville on the train.

Eventually both sides essentially agreed to let the courts decide the matter.  In the meantime, both Taylor and Beckham each continued to act as governor, making political appointments to the same posts and issuing pardons.  It was a mess, with the state essentially having two acting governors.  Threats of violence continued and at one point Taylor tried to ship arms and ammo from the state armory to London.

On March 10 Taylor lost his first court battle when the circuit court found Beckham to be the legal governor.  Taylor appealed, and on April 6, the state appellate court upheld the earlier decision and found in favor of Beckham.  Finally, the case was brought before the U.S. Supreme Court, which again decided against Taylor on May 21.  Then, in a special election on November 6, to determine who should fulfill Goebel’s term, Beckham defeated the Republican candidate.  And three years later, in 1903, Beckham was elected for a full term as governor.  

William Taylor didn’t return home to Kentucky after the Supreme Court decision in Washington on May 21st of 1900.  He went directly to Indianapolis instead.  In Kentucky, indictments were being brought against Taylor, claiming that he was an accessory in the assassination of Goebel; so returning to Kentucky he would have risked arrest.  The state of Indiana refused to extradite, so he remained in Indiana, only returning to Kentucky occasionally after the next Republican governor of Kentucky pardoned him, in 1909.  He became an insurance executive and died in 1928.

According to Kentucky historian Thomas Clark, this whole election fiasco “forced Kentucky into a long period of partisan and factional war which prevented passage of much-needed progressive legislation.”

Now, perhaps you are curious to find out what ancestor of mine is hidden in this story.  I must admit that I’m glad it wasn’t Goebel, who by all accounts does not appear to be someone you’d be proud to have in your family tree.  No, my ancestor and great great grandfather was, David William Fairleigh, the Louisville lawyer and Republican leader who tried to make peace with the Louisville agreement that was rejected by Taylor.  Fairleigh also played a supporting role as part of the legal team who represented Taylor in his move through the circuit, appellate, and Supreme courts.

David Fairleigh was born in Cloverport, Kentucky but grew up mostly in nearby Brandenburg, where his father was the court clerk.  He was admitted to the bar in 1874, after graduating from the University of Louisville Law School.  He practiced law in Brandenburg until 1887, when he moved to Louisville and formed a partnership with Frank P. Strauss.  He later taught at the University of Louisville, served on the board of trustees, and from 1911 to 1914 was president of the university.  He died in 1924 at the age of 70.  His granddaughter, Emma G. Fairleigh, is my maternal grandmother.  

Sources: The New York Times (online archives),The Kentucky Encyclopedia (John E. Kleber, ed.), and A History of Kentucky (Thomas D. Clark).


-Mary




David W. Fairleigh





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